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Bangladesh and Cambodia in global supply chains in the garment sector LDCs are not significant players in GSCs, except in the garment sector. (...) The economies of Bangladesh and Cambodia have become highly dependent on employment in the garment industry. In Bangladesh, the garment industry absorbs about three million workers. (...) Bangladesh has the lowest labour cost in the world, at 22 cents per hour; in Cambodia it is 33 cents per hour. On the one hand, maintaining wage competitiveness would exacerbate the garment-factory labour unrest that has been reported in the past year in both Bangladesh and Cambodia; whereas allowing wage rises in line with rises in consumer prices – particularly food prices – would risk an exodus of generally footloose GSC buyers to other supplier countries.

Several webinars have been organized to maintain the activities of associations, specifically one of the African Alliance for Electronic Commerce (AAEC) on how Single Window has helped to face the pandemic. (...) This call to action invites actors in the garment and footwear industry to take action to accelerate sustainability and circularity of value chains in the industry (...) • Document ECE/TRADE/C/CEFACT/2021/11, Executive Summary for Policymakers: Enhancing Transparency and Traceability of Sustainable Value Chains in the Garment and Footwear Sector and Document ECE/TRADE/C/CEFACT/2021/INF.3, Report – Enhancing Sustainability and Circularity in the Garment and Footwear Sector: Policy Developments on Traceability and Transparency were presented to the Plenary for information.

Although Kiribati and Tuvalu maintain a current account surplus, when official transfers are excluded, there is a deficit situation. (...) Containing budget deficits will be necessary if the Pacific island economies are to maintain or improve their external positions. (k) Degree of concentration/diversification of trade in goods and trade in services 31. (...) The majority of PIDCs still maintain a very product driven approach to marketing.

The same development must also be sought in maintaining the quality of production, through grading and quarantine centres, and coordinating seasonal cultivation patterns with the needs of agro-industry. (...) As long as the historical trade relationship between Israel and the Palestinian economy remains, generally maintained by the interim period economic accords, the possibility of significant regional integration seems less likely since the PA cannot act to correct distortions in domestic production patterns through trade policy instruments. (...) Thus, in the first post-1993 expansion of trade, in 1995, Gaza Strip exports recovered while imports grew dramatically, most of which growth was with Israel, which has maintained its 90 per cent share of Gaza Strip imports since the early 1990s, as compared with under 85 per cent in the case of the West Bank.